Though Bengal has not till date produced any “Dabang” politicians of national fame, political violence is not alien to the state. Among many stereotypes of Bengalis, one is of being peace loving. The other being Bengalis are an intellectual race. Literacy should not be confused with education. In any case, another communist-ruled state of India down South has proven that academic qualification is no guarantee for eschewing savage political culture. Thus, the political history of Bengal is not strewn with roses.
Earlier people would joke that Subhas Chandra Bose was the only testosterone hero of Bengalis. This effete image of Bengalis has been created by the Kolkata “bhadroloks” and the dhoti-clad politicians of earlier generations. But like the demographics of the state, the profile of Bengali political leaders, even the city bred ones, have changed beyond recognition. In the first United Front government of the sixties, the inclusion of Ram Chatterjee—a history sheeter from the Serampore, North of Kolkata, had raised eyebrows. In today’s political firmament, Ram would have felt at home and, probably, come across as a statesman.
Over the years, regime change in West Bengal has not come either through the pen or point of a bayonet. Traditionally, transition has been the child of lumpen proletariat—aka goons. The Indira Congress threw out the second United Front government with the help of militant student leaders like Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi, Subrata Mukherjee and others. Many of them once past their prime joined the Trinamool Congress. The Left Front led by the Marxists stormed into Writers Building riding the post Emergency wave but stayed in control with the help of their formidable army of party cadres. Images of Mamata Banerjee’s street fights against the “harmads” of the CPI-M are still fresh in the minds of the people.
Since the Assembly elections in April 2021, Bengal has seen a fresh surge in blood-letting. While the BJP called it revenge violence of Trinamool workers, the latter blamed it on internal factional feuds within the BJP nursing the wounds of a humiliating defeat. But the scale and geographic spread of the incidents were significant for the judiciary to take note. The Governor, who has been engaged in a war of attrition with the Chief Minister, has raised frequent alarm on the state of law and order, which has been brushed off by the state administration as an attempt to precipitate a constitutional crisis. The Centre maintained a studied silence and routine enquiries by the Home Ministry have been met with accusations of breaching the federal structure.
The just concluded local body elections, in which the Trinamool scored a record victory across the state, were also mired in controversy. On this occasion more than the BJP, the CPI-M, which is trying to revive its fortunes in the state, complained of electoral terrorism. Critics said that the new incumbents had simply followed the playbook of the Left developed over three decades. The regional and national media turned their attention to Assembly elections in other states.
But, the massacre in Rampurhat is too gruesome for even the pro-establishment media to ignore. Not unexpectedly there are conflicting versions of the nature, cause and the magnitude of the incident. However, the element of shock has been understated because West Bengal has seen similar incidents in the past. Though what is different this time is the reaction of the Congress and the CPI-M that have been vocal in condemning the episode. Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, president of the West Bengal Congress and the leader of the party in the Lok Sabha, has declared his intention to meet the President of India and demand President’s Rule in the state. Nothing may come out of these fulminations. The Centre will be circumspect about intervening, weighing the political implications of any action. Soon it will be relegated to a footnote in the annals of political history of the state.
Make no mistake, Rampurhat is no Nandigram and would not have any immediate impact on the fortunes of the current dispensation. Yet, it may signal a turning point in the political currents of the area that can balloon over time. At this point West Bengal does not have any Opposition party of consequence. The BJP has undergone a total meltdown after the elections. The Congress has suffered near decimation like in many other states. The CPI-M is still trying to pick up the pieces from the ruins of the 2011 Assembly polls.
Recent elections in Uttar Pradesh has shown the voters are willing to put a premium on law and order. But, in the absence of a challenger 2024 Lok Sabha is still a done deal for Trinamool in West Bengal. On the other hand, this might have some implication on Mamata Banerjee’s ambitions at the national level, as the BJP will no doubt try to make political capital of it outside of Bengal to dent her image.
But, in Bengal, the problem is party agnostic. Any party aspiring for power will have to have to ride on the shoulders of the same set of characters, as BJP learnt at a huge cost. The culture can only deteriorate with time unless there is a fundamental change in the polity. That can come only if the people raise the bar and become more demanding of the politicians. If they continue to live in the past reconciled to status quo while the rest of India moves ahead, the situation can only go southwards.
With the youngsters already deserting the state in search of better opportunities elsewhere, the ageing “bhadraloks” will continue to lament the decline all around till they disappear into oblivion. In the absence of economic opportunity, the less fortunate will go party hopping for eking out an existence perpetuating the endemic.
The author is a current affairs commentator, marketer, blogger and leadership coach, who tweets at @SandipGhose. Views expressed are personal.
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March 23, 2022 at 06:13PM
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